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Islamophobia and the intellectual vacuum inside Islam
There is no avoiding the word - Islamophobia. Evidence now indicates that
almost all of the 19 hijackers involved in the terrorist attacks on
September 11 in New York and Washington were Arabs and Muslims. The
Americans and the rest of the world have to make sense of it. Are these 19
just criminals, who could be found in any society and in any ethnic and
religious group? Or, are they peculiar to Arab and Muslim societies?
The Western media, despite its open society credentials and ostensible
liberalism, are unable to get away from the question. Conservatives among
them, especially die-hard reactionary British newspaper Daily Telegraph's
columnists, have been talking of "extirpating" the people who had committed
the atrocity, and calling for the "extirpation" of the states which
harboured them.
We thought that even the most degraded criminals - and Timothy McVeigh was
one of them - had to be given a fair judicial hearing before he is sent to
death. He was not "extirpated" nor were there calls to "extirpate" him. So
there is this deeply ingrained cultural prejudice which clouds their
judgment in moments of crisis.
Though better sense is sure to prevail, the majority of people in the West
and in the rest of the non-Muslim world will continue to entertain
misgivings about the Arabs and Muslims. This is partly due to ignorance, and
partly due to benign bigotry.
It is easy for liberals from the Third World to denounce Western prejudice
and arrogance. But there is a need to look at the context of that arrogance.
Let us remember that Muslims are in the news most of the time for wrong
reasons. It was during the controversy surrounding Salman Rushdie's "Satanic
Verses" that the modern Muslim communities, especially in the West were
exposed to public scrutiny.The Muslims had every right to protest against
that book. But what shocked the people was the virulence and irrational
frenzy of the protest. Not one of them had refuted the book for its false
assumptions. So, many people in Britain at least carry memories of Bradford
Muslim clerics who raged and ranted against the book without reading it.
The fact is that the Organisation of Islamic Countries (OIC) did not ban the
book. Most governments of Muslim states had banned it, but none of them
incited people against the author the way some of the Muslim clerics did. It
is ironical that the clerics should have swayed the community's sentiments
because there is no room for clerics in Islam. It is, perhaps, the only
religion without an anointed priestly class. Yet, the image that went out to
the whole world during the Rushdie episode was that of a tribal community
incited by bloodthirsty clerics.
And there were not many sane voices from among the Muslims putting forward a
rational argument against Rushdie's book. It has shown that the Islamic
community did not have any intelligent interlocutors, who can refute
detractors. It was a major failing. It seemed that the Muslims did not how
to argue against critics.
Though some ultra-liberals from among the Muslims did step out to talk, they
were the people who did not enjoy the confidence of the community. They did
try to explain the rational aspects of Islam to the outsiders, but they did
not have the moral and intellectual authority to explain these things to
members of their own community. The liberal establishment in the West and
elsewhere was lulled into believing that there was a bridgehead to the
community. But there was none.
The loss was not that of the liberal establishment as it was that of the
Muslims themselves. They needed someone to clarify things to them, to
mediate between the changing conditions and the verities of their faith.
It is the Rushdie episode which made the cleric the chief spokesman of the
Muslim community in Britain and in the West. And it is also the episode
which hardened the attitudes of the clerics. They did not any more feel the
need to connect the problems of the modern world with the possible ways in
which religion could help people to cope with them. The Islamic "ministry"
in the religious sense of the term had failed. It was a calling which was
not confined to the cleric. It was something which the Muslim intellectual
had to take up, but did not, and, due to political compulsions, could not.
The last two decades has witnessed a rise in Islamic fundamentalism, which
has coincided with the Khomeini revolution in Iran and the emergence of the
mujaideen or the holy warriors in Afghanistan. It seemed, as a result, that
the two pillars of contemporary Islam are the mujhaideen and the khomeinis.
It is, of course, quite interesting and crucial to note that the two - the
sunni jehadis and the shia khomeinis do not see eye to eye, and that their
visions of revolutionary Islam are politically incompatible. The Muslim
world was apprehensive of both, but it did not do much to debate openly the
implications of these developments. Ordinary Muslims were left to make
difficult choices. Though today, an ordinary Muslim does not agree with the
politics of either the jehadi or the khomeini, he does not have the
arguments to counter them.
So, what contributes to Islamophobia is the absence of inner dialogue among
the Muslims, which is vibrant and divergent. There is a feeling in the
outside world, and it is a feeling which is encouraged by the semi-literate
Western media, that Muslims do not differ with each other on religious
issues, and that they are all silent supporters of the mujahideen and the
khomeinis.
It is not enough to rage against Western imperialism - cultural and
political. There is a need for the Muslims to set their house in order, so
that they can face the world with greater poise. It is not enough to tell
the non-Muslims that Islam is a peaceful and tolerant religion, which it is.
The need is to tell these things to ordinary Muslim youth, so that they are
not misled by the fanatic clerics.
It is easier for the Muslim liberal to inveigh against the prejudiced
outsider. The more challenging task is to get the dialogue going inside the
community. The unity of the Muslim community will not be weakened by debate
and dissent.
The debate can happen only if there is democracy in many of the Islamic
states. Democracy is not an alien concept. The polity that Prophet Mohammed
had set up in Medina was based on democratic principles. The message of
getting back to Islamic roots entails greater democracy in Muslim societies.
There is no place for tyranny, for intolerance and violence in Islam.
Unfortunately, it is the Muslims who need to be told about this
http://www.tehelka.com/channels/currentaffairs/2001/sept/15/ca091501islam.htm
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